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Business Climate

Forbes publishes annually a list of the largest companies in the world. In Latin America, Brazil and Spain obtained the largest share, with 64 companies between them. However it is noteworthy that Chile, whose economy is smaller in terms GDP and markets, get on the list to 9 companies from 2000, while Colombia only six. In Colombia a significant development considering that last year only classified 3.

No doubt developments in Colombia are significant economic and must necessarily be reflected in all decisions that support the business climate. In a chaotic and troubled nation to one that projects a determined government action to favor investment through a strong military intervention against irregular armies who submitted the Colombian state for years, legal certainty investors, capital tax exemptions and unusual political stability in a troubled country. The Colombian market is striking for its size and to some extent by their average level of income per capita, largely located in a city market and the projected growth prospects. However the business climate has been more appropriate in Chile, with a much smaller market than Colombia, and Chilean companies are much more competitive than those in Colombia, why?

The answer is generally sound macroeconomic management, stable democracy and a coherent institutional environment. In the Most indicators of transparency in governance Chile is very close to the developed countries and far ahead of their Latin American counterparts. However, to understand the context that has allowed Chilean investment and business climate much more favorable than in Bogota Santiago has a higher background. While Chile grew in the years 1980 and 1990 on par with a select group of Asian countries, the rest of Latin America grew by an average of 2.6% and adopted reforms and recovering from the debt crisis. If between 1980 and 1985 Chile's per capita income was $ 2795, between 1996 and 2001 the same income came to $ 8498. Clearly, a change greater than the average countries in the region.

in fight against poverty, Chile shows some relevant characteristics. If in 1981 18% of Chile's population was in extreme poverty, that figure early in the century had halved in a combination of social and economic policies successful. Destitution in the southern country is less than 2%, which means that Chileans were able to meet one of the Millennium Development Goals: halving the population living on less than $ 1 a day. With few exceptions, businesses thrive in markets where poverty is reduced, where the purchasing power increases and revitalizing social and economic policies of private property, the state's action and efficiency of institutions, something that shows some form Chile.

Income distribution is a different matter. Uneven income may be associated with wealth and poverty, in a first approximation, one might say that the goal of economic policies should be focused on poverty reduction rather than income redistribution. However, as demonstrated in numerous studies (important Persson and Tabellini), inequality is political turmoil, social and saves a significant negative relationship with economic growth. In this regard, without exception, all Latin American countries report a markedly skewed distribution of income and stable for decades. The richest quintile of the population, compared to the poorest quintile in Brazil has a size 29 times, 12 times in Bolivia, U.S. 9 times, 4 times in Sweden and 19 times in Chile. An important variable for policy makers, no doubt.

on the good business climate in Chile can be explained by a lucky level of economic growth. I shall first analyze the capital human: on the one hand, human capital is a direct factor of production but can also act as a buffer for diminishing marginal productivity of physical capital and natural resources. Noteworthy is the role of human capital in the creation of technologies and their adoption. Chile has achieved in terms of literacy, infant mortality and nutrition outcomes comparable with that of high-income countries. While health has shown a performance superior to the Latin American bloc, its $ 303 of health expenditure per person in contrast to U.S. $ 2481 for high-income countries.

However, at the macroeconomic stability and financial market development and the results are greater determinants perhaps comparatively better business environment than in countries like Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela. During the last decade of the twentieth century, Chile achieved a stable inflation rate, low and similar to that of developed countries, a surplus in government accounts, powered by a fiscal rule based on achieving a structural surplus of 1% of GDP. This is how Chile has managed to incorporate an anti-cyclical policy has helped to consider the Chilean economy as one of the most stable in Latin America. In the past 20 years, Chile has experienced significant developments in its financial system with a size comparable to that of developed economies, which would result from the combination of market policies implemented since the mid-seventies and a proper regulatory framework in place in the eighties.

is no secret, on the other hand, Chilean trade policies are more pro-opening of the region and that doubling the volume of Chilean exports to the United States signature product NAFTA, for example, is a very good example of this assessment. While Chile is far from the trade performance (exports plus imports) from countries like Singapore, with a ratio of Trade Openness as a percentage of GDP of almost 400%, it is well above the average for Latin America and the United States itself, almost equivalent to 70% versus 50% average American region.

Chilean business climate is, undoubtedly motivated by an acceptable but still low level of human capital development, macroeconomic and political stability has yielded significant results in the fight against which has focused on poverty and rapid economic growth and household income and a degree of trade openness substantially higher than the rest of the neighborhood, the privileged position on the Pacific Rim and the quality of institutions, which deserve a separate chapter.

Regarding Colombia the gap is evident when one considers that in the first decade of the twenty some weaknesses of the Chilean economic development have come to be served, such as the provision of infrastructure, improved strengthening human capital, but is pending the issue of income inequality still strong. Having thereby increasing participation of Colombia in the top of the world's largest companies can be minimized por la consolidación del modelo chileno de desarrollo. Sólo así podríamos explicar por qué una economía más chica como la chilena posiciona empresas más competitivas y grandes que Colombia. Finalmente, la visita al aeropuerto Merino de Santiago me resultó mucho más placentera que mi estancia en Eldorado de Bogotá. Y en el mundo de los negocios eso es más que una percepción, puede determinar una decisión.

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Trade off "election? Clumsy

Las palabras del ex-alto comisionado para la paz del Gobierno de Uribe, Luis Carlos Restrepo, coinciden con un sentimiento sumamente arraigado in the ultra-conservative host country, no doubt, are supported by the Gothic mood of former Colombian president. For many have chosen to Santos was to ensure continuity without any variant of the basic tenets that have characterized the eight-year administration of his predecessor. In fact, admittedly, was a speech that managed the campaign of now President Santos and was a successful merchandising strategy that drove their business political campaign strategists, which is good in a race for the presidency, obviously. All leaders, not only in Colombia but in the world, found as a support what they believe are concentrated preferences the electorate. If Santos is revealed as the liberal he is, probably would have had a negative flow of the powerful conservative voters meant Uribe.

However, those who are now believing that it actually Colombia faced in the last presidential election was not an option for continuation of the Government of Alvaro Uribe, but a trade off, a choice between a model political liberalism and conservatism of democratic security, bordering on meanness own end and radicalism in politics. The truth if they believed the most Uribe Colombia was facing a continuity model whose only variation was who ran it were very naive, and if we now believe that Colombia has had to maintain democratic security, also committed an error. Not because the Uribe government is a black episode in history, on the contrary, as time goes by better recognize their successes and mistakes, both in good quantities. But for any democracy renewal is necessary. I would say is a must.

With the perception that the country's rampant violence and the economic policies yields are very low, we may well regret the absence of Uribe. However, neither the violence ended with his Government, though it evolved and the conflict between guerrillas and armies ended, or the country took the leap required for its economic modernization, political and institutional. And the fact already evident problems of corruption and distortion of public procurement, construction delays expressed in strategic development and the inescapable presence of structural unemployment, poor infrastructure, much in the rainy season, and yet sustained presence of questionable social coverage suggest that the country should think of the post-conflict and not a government to reach him.

Uribe changed the country. I would say was the president who played his enormous political capital in the eradication of the greatest threat ever faced by the Colombian government and the elimination of left-wing guerrilla groups and the extreme right. The latter showed that in the end it was his criminal character and devoid of any political or ideological message. While today there are criminal groups derived from both sides, no more than that criminal groups deserve a policy aimed at militarily and economically asphyxiate. Contrary to what the teacher suggests Humberto Vélez of the Universidad del Valle in a recent lecture at this university, Colombia's armed conflict does not exist as a struggle between political actors. The only political actor is the government and President Uribe was left sitting this promising beginning recovered.

But the presence of a government that set the country to a different scenario to the old armed conflict between political factions is necessary and would not conflict with the model of a nation be enabled to maintain the security, coexistence and national defense. Colombia must now rebuild his weakened social fabric cost of any armed conflict, through economic policies aimed at redistributing wealth and economic growth. Redeployment will be obtained through a policy for reducing unemployment, increasing quality and coverage of education, health and housing. The Chilean model is a clear example of what a country should be thinking about society and the competitiveness of enterprises in the allocation of assets in infrastructure that would connect the country, lower transport costs and connectivity within the country, and from the rest of the world. Chile has reduced its poverty levels, as few countries grew during 1990 and until recently was modernized economically, became a vibrant democracy, with a significantly more efficient the average of its neighbors, and ensured a reliable defense and national security.

The ultra-conservative claim some today in Colombia to show Santos as a traitor at odds with what should be understood as continuity. The issue of security in Colombia is not the same issue as in 2002 or today can claim to be used as a pretext to maintain a custom character in politics. The great success of Uribe have left now is think of far-reaching reforms to the Colombian society and not on how to fight them to a well-armed irregular army. But Santos is the duty of governing, not be true to a legacy.

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lightness

The reform of the Higher Education Act by the National Government to the public opinion is the true example of a clumsy way we have been committed by the president and his economic advisers and educational policy. The biggest mistake that makes this proposal is that it managed to be the perfect excuse for the ghost-hunting fantasize about the evil specter of privatization. I do not know which is more awkward: if the Government's intention to reform higher education with an unwavering faith in the private sector set up by incentives that lead to profitable altruism or radical receivers academic community have been put to work their ideological machinery retread that devil hates both in public education such as privatization.

Moisés Wasserman, president of the National University is the first opponent of the law and rules out the privatization of public universities and intent of the law. Privatization is a ghost and the ghosts do not exist. However I share his assessment: the reform is naive, and perhaps it is this naivety that makes this project a huge blunder. Regardless of whether the university autonomy is violated or not, most concern is focused on two flanks of great importance: the financing of higher education is not an acceptable solution and the quality of teaching and complementary processes, such as research, may be jeopardized.

On the one hand the Government on the assumption that higher education is highly profitable and capital are pending legal certainty to invest in it. And the issue is much more than the naivete of some who believe that by 1400 million pesos worth the so-called Plan of Action of the Universidad del Valle, this institution is readying the ground for privatization germinate. The issue goes beyond, definitely, on one hand a supply and increasing demands are not a financial structure that would sustain under the required conditions. Educating students twice no less expensive and decreasing the cost of course he has deceived the president's advisers and the Minister of Education. As die deceived if they believe that private capital will optimize the performance of public universities.

Moreover, an employer will find it more profitable to give a building to a university (Santo Domingo Pacheco case with the Universidad de los Andes, or Sarmiento National University) to take care of everything involved in their government and administration. Only in the world of grants there is a lack of investors for failing to control the use of their capital, a fact that takes place by a powerful incentive explained by the 125% tax deductions as provided by law. So if an employer wishes to profit from higher education, is unlikely to move in the incentive structure of the quality and the best service and decide to move, as a framework for profit, quantities and simplifying processes and economies of scale. And that education leads to the precariousness of its purpose and rationale.

But my assessment is on the assumption that the projections of the Ministry of Education they had no place in reality. However, how clumsy of law is that it ignores something, found their own private universities, mediocre and low cost because it is cheaper to go to public universities to form alliances with rising costs and needs to multimillionaires. That the ghost of privatization and appears dissipating end is a far worse monster called low quality. The gap between universities grow and income disparities are even greater future. Complete legions of poor students from the quartile with the lowest concentration income and the worst public and private schools will go to new universities, borrow to pay tuition and receive an education in terms of quality will be much lower than the students receive the best public and private schools of the wealthiest in the country.

The government's idea, however, is no less awkward than the student movement and the eventual reaction to educational reform. The protest scheduled for April 7 is a sample: protest not only by law but by education projects such as fiscal sustainability and the law of first employment. What worries me most is that most have acquired a very cheap commodity and easily digested, but of little use, based on the most radical upheaval have on the students eager to protest and nostalgia with the student movements of the past. The mentioned privatization of public universities are diverting attention from what really matters.

The proposed amendment to the Act 30 does not solve the funding problem and proposed outputs very naive to get resources to maintain and offset the costs of state universities and on the other hand, responds to problem coverage but makes it clear a possible deterioration of educational quality. It welcomes the Government's interest to increase the supply of education loans, but can not stop criticizing how light can be reform. The proposed safe, bland response. In the debate on Bill 30 are in the worst of all worlds.

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The end times misused

Web Circle a history that shows a highway in Naka, Japan, which was partially destroyed by the earthquake on 11 March, ranked the fourth most powerful since it measures the intensity of activities seismic. However the news is not that the highway has been destroyed: the news is that in six days was repaired and put into service. Simultaneously in another network was about one message, referring to the repatriation of 139 Colombians living in Japan, suggested that instead of bringing the Colombians in question would have brought 50 Japanese and nationalized.

And it feels in the West, and especially in Latin America, an uncontrollable rage on what we call the Japanese crisis without having actually sought to objectively analyze what this crisis means for stakeholders involved: the Japanese. And that is the paranoia of Latinos living in the empire of the rising sun contrasts with the passivity and serenity of these Eastern to face what undoubtedly was a disaster that have happened in Central America we would be doomed to the largest humanitarian crisis modern history. While a single death is regrettable, it should be 15 000 more, but when contrasted to the light of the number of inhabitants of a major world economic powers, it is discovered that the fiercest natural phenomenon of recent years "just "gained 0.001% of the total population of the archipelago. In the worst left 1.5 million homeless people, which which is only 1% of Japanese.

Although my figures are estimates arbitrary, I can assure the reader not to turn away from reality. The tragedy that we have been told in the voices of U.S. and Latin American journalists, rather susceptible to the sale of tragedies that generate returns insured, we suggest that life in Japan after the earthquake is the closest thing to hell. Even the stories of Latinos living in Japanese cities are assuming that 130 million people are at a point of no return, a sort of " off and get out" that contrasts with some citizens resumed their activities soon daily, with caution, some fear and some difficulties, of course, but that is far removed from the apocalyptic scenario Western media.

analysis And let light and attached to history: how many dead left the nuclear attack on Japan in World War II, how many deaths occurred in the fall of the bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 radiation product?, with the crisis in the Fukushima plant became widespread panic about the safety of nuclear installations in the entire planet, was conceived a wrong idea of \u200b\u200ban imminent threat to humanity for adverse outcomes in this power plant affected by the earthquake and further believes that after that Japan will succumb.

I do not deny that the disaster affected the soul to 130 million Japanese. But I deny that Japan around a few years has not been rebuilt, its productive structures are not running again and one of the most advanced societies of the world is not back into their routines, as they have done before, during and after World War I and so many tragedies that this eastern empire suffered and paid the consequences difficult to calculate, Japan paid more by war than by the succession of earthquakes that frequently asota. Maybe Japan is not the economy that was in 1990, such as a shadow (of China, may be) is covering the brightness of an island that has not stopped or fail to be prosperous. But the truth is that this nation after this tragedy has left us very different lessons to a handful of journalists who want to submit, because this is not the end of time. Have died in terrorist attacks in Iraq that divine fury that some say is behind the earthquake in Japan.